Marriage; an introduction
In many
cultures, marriage is considered the central and most important social
institution. In such cultures, people will spend considerable time and energy
on maintaining this institution. They may do so in various ways, including
highlighting the ritual moment when the wedding takes place, festively
memorializing the event at designated times such as anniversaries, and making
it difficult to divorce. In some societies, however, marriage is a relatively
marginal institution and is not considered central to the establishing and
maintenance of family life and society. For instance, marriage has lost much of
its traditional significance in the Scandinavian societies of Iceland, Norway,
Sweden, and Denmark, in part due to changes in the political economy, more
balanced gender relations, and shared public benefits of these capitalist
welfare states.
1. R.
H. Lowie said that marriage is relatively a permanent bond between permissible
mates. It creates reciprocal relationship between the spouses, i.e, between
husband and wife or kin members, siblings, giving rights, duties and status to
the children in the society.
Beals
and Hoizer: marriage is a set of cultural pattern to sanction parenthood and
provide a suitable background for the care and rearing of the children.
3. C.P.
Kottack: Marriage is a socially recognized relationship between a socially
recognized male (Husband) and a socially recognized female (Wife) so that the
children born to the wife are accepted as the offspring of both the husband and
wife.
4. Edward Westmark in his ‘History of Marriage’
defines Marriage as “the more or less durable connection between male and
female lasting beyond the mere act of propagation till after the birth of
offspring”.
5. Malinowski says that marriage is a “contract for
the production and maintenance of children”.
6. Kathleen Gough: Marriage
is a relationship established between a woman and one or more other persons,
which provides that a child born to the woman under circumstances not
prohibited by the rules of the relationship, is accorded full birth-status
rights common to normal members of his society or social stratum.
Mazumdar ,defines “marriage as a socially sanctioned union of male and female, or as a secondary institution devised by society to sanction the union and mating of male and female, for purposes of (a). establishing a household,(b). entering into sex relations, (c). procreating, and (d). providing care for the off-spring”
Mazumdar ,defines “marriage as a socially sanctioned union of male and female, or as a secondary institution devised by society to sanction the union and mating of male and female, for purposes of (a). establishing a household,(b). entering into sex relations, (c). procreating, and (d). providing care for the off-spring”
An
anthropological definition of marriage—a culturally sanctioned union
between two or more people that establishes certain rights and obligations
between the people, between them and their children, and between them and their
in-laws. Such marriage rights and obligations most often include, but are not
limited to, sex, labor, property, child rearing, exchange, and status. Thus
defined, marriage is universal. Notably, our definition of marriage refers to
“people” rather than “a man and a woman” because in some countries same-sex
marriages are socially acceptable and allowed by law, even though opposite-sex
marriages are far more common.
Let us examine, for example, the
definition given in Notes and Queries (R. A. I. 1951, p. 110): ‘Marriage is a
union between a man and a woman such that children born to the woman are
recognized legitimate offspring of both parents.’ The first element
(heterosexual union) does not conform to such ethnographic phenomena as the
traditional woman-marriage among the Nuer (Evans-Pritchard 1951) or the
homosexual marriages of postmodern societies (Weston 1991). Even if the second
element (offspring legitimacy) apparently fits with the marriage customs of the
matrilineal Nayars of South India, an anthropological test case for the
definition of marriage (Gough 1959), it might be rejected for its vagueness and
its limited range of ethnographic cases. As Bell (1997) notes, the statement
that marriage is required to produce legitimate children is finalist and
tautological.
According to the
ethnographic data, marriage is neither necessary nor sufficient to define the
legitimacy of children and many societies recognize a sharp differentiation
between social parenthood and marriage. Leach (1961), recognizing that marriage
might be defined as ‘a bundle of rights,’ identified the following different
rights: legal fatherhood, legal motherhood, monopoly of sexual access between
married partners, right to domestic services and other forms of labor, right
over property accruing to one's spouse, rights to a joint fund of property for
the benefit of the children of marriage, and recognized relations of affinity
such as that between brothers-in-law. But from this bundle of rights, no single
right or set of rights might be defined as central to the universal definition
of marriage.
Most
anthropologists agree, however, that marriage in most human societies involves
the following:
• A culturally defined (variable)
relationship between a man and a woman from different families, which regulates
sexual intercourse and legitimizes children
• A set of rights the couple and
their families obtain over each other, including rights over children born to
the woman
• An assignment of responsibility
for nurturing and enculturating children to the spouses and/or to one or both
sets of their relatives
• A creation of
variably important bonds and relationships between the families of the couple
that
have social,
economic, political, and sometimes ritual dimensions
Characteristics
of Marriage
1. Universality:
Marriage
is more or less a universal institution. It is found among the preliterate as
well as literate peoples. It is enforced as a social rule in some of the
societies.
2. Relationship
between Man and Women: Marriage is a union of men and women. It indicates
relation between one or more men to one or more women.
3. Marriage Bond
is Enduring: Marriage
indicates a long lasting bond between the husband and wife. Hence it is not
coextensive with sexual life. It lasts even after the sexual satisfaction is
obtained. The Hindus believe that marriage is a sacred bind between the husband
and wife which even the death cannot break.
4. Marriage
requires social Approval: union between men and women becomes a marital bond
only when the society gives its approval.
5. Marriage is
Associated with some Civil or Religious Ceremony: Marriage get
its social recognition through some ceremony. This ceremony may have its own
customs rites, and rituals etc.It means marriage has to be concluded in a
public and solemn manner.
6. Marriage
creates Mutual Obligation: Marriage imposes certain rights and duties on both
the husband and wife. Both are required to support each other and their
children.
The British
anthropologist Edmund Leach (1955) observed that, depending on the society,
several different kinds of rights are allocated by marriage. According to
Leach, marriage can, but doesn’t always, accomplish the following:
1. Establish the
legal father of a woman’s children and the legal mother of a man’s.
2. Give either
or both spouses a monopoly on the sexuality of the other.
3. Give either
or both spouses rights to the labor of the other.
4. Give either
or both spouses rights over the other’s property.
5. Establish a
joint fund of property—a partnership—for the benefit of the children.
6. Establish a
socially significant “relationship of affinity” between spouses and their relatives.
No society gives
absolute freedom for its members to select their life partners. Rules regarding
who should marry whom always govern such selection. Endogamy and Exogamy are
the two main rules that condition the marital choice.
1. Endogamy:
Endogamy:
(Endo= within, gamy= marriage) Endogamy refers to the rule that a man must
marry someone within his own social group i.e., Caste Tribe. The endogamous
rule is to maintain marital alliances between the close blood relations. For
example: Caste, Religion, Tribe Marriage cannot take place between two persons
if, they do not belong to same caste, religion and tribe. Hoebel defined
endogamy as, “the social rule that requires an individual to marry within a
culturally defined group of which he is a member.” Mostly, this results in
conservation of property, relations, retention of services and avoidance of
external social bonds. The Urapim, a small tribe of Papua New Guinea practice
strict endogamy. It
is a rule of marriage in which the life-partners are to be selected within the
group. It is marriage within the group and the group may be caste, class,
tribe, race, village, religious group etc. We have caste endogamy, class
endogamy, sub caste endogamy, race endogamy and tribal endogamy etc.In caste
endogamy marriage has to take place within the caste.
2.
Exogamy:
Exogamy: (Exo=
outside, gamy= marriage) Exogamy refers to the rule that a man must marry
someone outside his own group. It prohibits marrying within the group. The
so-called blood relatives shall neither have marital connections nor sexual
contacts among themselves.The most important reason of these exogamous rules is
to prevent marital alliances between the close blood relations. For example:
clans in tribal communities and Gotra system in Hindu society. If a man and a
woman belong to the same Gotra, they cannot marry each other. Hoebel defined
exogamy as, “the social rule that requires an individual to marry outside a
culturally defined group of which he is a member.” Malinowski assumed that
exogamy is the prohibition of marriage between members of one descent group
(clan) which is explained in incest taboo. Such rule is reported among Gonds,
Baiga, Ho, Oraon, etc.
-Forms of
exogamy:
Gotra Exogamy: The Hindu
practice of one marrying outside one's own gotra.
Pravara Exogamy:
Those
who belong to the same pravara cannot marry among themselves.
Village Exogamy:
Many
Indian tribes like Naga,Garo,Munda etc have the practice of marrying outside
their village.
Pinda Exogamy: Those who belong
to the same panda or sapinda( common parentage) cannot marry within themselves.
Isogamy: It is the
marriage between two equals (status).
Anisogamy: It is an
asymmetric marriage alliance between two individuals belonging to different social statuses. It is of two forms
- Hypergamy and Hypogamy.
Hypergamy: Hypergamy is a
system of marriage where a man gets his daughter married to a person of the
same or higher social and economical status. This type of system is found in
the stratified societies like Hindus, wherein it is practiced to retain the
social status and prestige of the group. In Hindu society this is known as
Anuloma
Hypogamy: It is the
marriage of high caste man with a low caste woman. Hypogamy is just the
opposite of Hypergamy. Here, a man gets his daughter married to a man of either
same or lower social and economical status than his. In Hindu society this is
known as Pratiloma. Pratiloma/ hypogamy refer to inter-caste marriages which
are not approved socially.
The diagram specifies three ranges of relationship:
- an inner group of close
relatives with whom marriage is forbidden,
- an intermediate range of
relatives, associates, and allies with whom marriage relations are
encouraged and often required, and
- an outer range of outsiders
with whom marriage or other forms of interaction must be avoided
1. Preferential
and Prescriptive norms:
When individuals or families select spouses,
some types of person are ruled out or disapproved of, while others are thought
to be particularly appropriate, either because a preference exists in favour of
such marriages, or because the persons concerned are already related in a
particular, prescribed way. Marriage preferences are found in all societies,
but prescriptions are confined to those exhibiting what Lévi-Strauss called
elementary structures of kinship (Lévi-Strauss 1969). Many elementary
structures involve cross-cousin marriage, Homans and Schneider (1955) assumed
that Lévi-Strauss was trying to explain the widespread preference for marriage
among first cross-cousins, but Needham (1962) argued that this was a
misunderstanding. Elementary structures are not just unusually strong
preferences for marrying specific close relatives, but global systems of
classification, whereby prescriptive relationship terminologies divide up a
person’s entire kinship universe into marriageable and non-marriageable
categories. The marriageable category may include cross-cousins, but is not
limited to them. In this technical context, therefore, both terms have meanings
differing significantly from their dictionary definitions (Needham 1973:177).
With regard to the three aspects of kinship—classification, rules, and
behaviour—‘preference’ seems to imply the exercise of choice at the level of
individual behaviour, while ‘prescriptions’ ought to be requirements or rules.
However, ethnographers normally take marriage preferences to be customs with
some degree of jural force, whereas prescriptions are now usually seen as
classificatory phenomena.
How did humans
develop exogamous rules?
How and why did humans develop
exogamous rules? One important point that has been stressed repeatedly (Fox
1980, 1989; Brown 1991) is that exogamy and the incest taboo are different,
though related. The incest taboo has to do with restrictions on sexual
relations, whereas exogamy has to do with restrictions on marriage. Fox (1989:
54) was quite right when he wrote: “While every teenager knows these [sex and
marriage] are different, many anthropologists get them confused.” Some
anthropologists tried to explain exogamy by calling it an “extension of the
incest taboo”; others tried to explain the incest taboo by saying that it
forced people to “marry out.” But these attempts only muddled the problem
further. The incest taboo and exogamy are related in the sense that if a
society bans sex between two people, it would be rather stupid to allow them to
marry. The reverse, however, does not hold. A society can forbid people to
marry one another but still allow them to have sexual relations. Indeed, some
societies specify categories of people whom one is forbidden to marry but with
whom one may have sex.
Exogamy, unlike the incest taboo,
is rather easy to explain. It helps foster peaceable relationships between
groups. According to Fox’s theory, evolving hominids (or, rather, male hominids)
found that power over mate allocation was politically advantageous, in that by
allocating mates one could acquire useful in-law relatives. It is but a small
step from this arrangement to a rule of exogamy, which guaranteed that a group
of people would use marriage to make connections with other groups. If a group
forbids marriage within itself, it is forced to acquire spouses from other
groups, and when that happens, harmonious relationships between the groups are
promoted by the fact of their interdependency for spouses. This interdependency
was undoubtedly important to early humans, who were now armed with lethal
weapons, as groups expanded, moved about, and bumped into one another, possibly
competing for resources. An anthropologist of the last century, Sir Edward B.
Tylor (1889: 267), put it succinctly: “Again and again in the world’s history,
savage tribes must have had before them the simple practical alternative
between marrying out or being killed-out.”
The rule of
exogamy prescribes marriage outside a certain group. But there may be many
groups into which marriage is permitted, or it may be that two groups are
directly exchanging spouses, so that the people of group A must not only marry
outside group A but also marry into group B. The potentials for deterring
conflict or for forming strong alliances are of course greater in cases where
groups systematically exchange spouses. Marriages can be used, then, to deter
hostilities or to form and cement alliances between groups. Western European
history is full of examples of political alliances formed through marriages
between royal families. Of course, peace or long-lasting political alliance
through intermarriage is not always guaranteed.
Marriage Exchanges: Dowry and Bridewealth
In many societies, marriages are
affirmed with an exchange of property. This is usually the case in places where
families have a hand in arranging a marriage. A property exchange recognizes
the challenges faced by a family that loses a member and by a family that takes
on a new member. These practices also reflect different notions about the value
of the new family member. Dowry payments are known from U.S. and Western
European history. A dowry is a gift given by a bride’s family to either the
bride or to the groom’s family at the time of the marriage. In societies that
practice dowry, families often spend many years accumulating the gift. In some
villages in the former Yugoslavia, the dowry was meant to provide for a woman
if she became a widow. The dowry was her share of her family’s property and reflected
the tradition that land was usually inherited by a woman’s brothers.
The dowry might
include coins, often woven together in a kind of apron and worn on her wedding
day. This form of dowry also represented a statement of wealth, prestige or
high status for both families; her family’s ability to give this kind of
wealth, and the prestige of the family who was acquiring a desirable new bride.
Her dowry also could include linens and other useful items to be used during
her years as a wife. In more recent times, dowries have become extravagant,
including things like refrigerators, cars, and houses. A dowry can also
represent the higher status of the groom’s family and its ability to demand a
payment for taking on the economic responsibility of a young wife. This was of
thinking about dowry is more typical of societies in which women are less
valued than men. A good dowry enables a woman’s family to marry into a better
family. In parts of India, a dowry could sometimes be so large that it would be
paid in installments. Bride burnings, killing a bride, could happen if her
family did not continue to make the agreed upon payments (though there may be
other reasons for this awful crime in individual cases). This of course is illegal,
but does sometimes occur. Historically, dowry was most common in agricultural
societies. Land was the most valuable commodity and usually land stayed in the
hands of men. Women who did not marry were sometimes seen as a burden on their
own families because they were not perceived as making an economic contribution
and they represented another mouth to feed. A dowry was important for a woman
to take with her into a marriage because the groom’s family had the upper
economic hand. It helped ease the tension of her arrival in the household,
especially if the dowry was substantial.
Bridewealth, by contrast,
often represents a higher value placed on women and their ability to work and
produce children. Bridewealth is an exchange of valuables given from a man’s
family to the family of his new wife. Bridewealth is common in pastoralist
societies in which people make their living by raising domesticated animals.
The Masaai are example of one such group. A cattle-herding culture located in
Kenya and Tanzania, the Maasai pay bridewealth based on the desirability of the
woman. Culturally defined attributes such as her age, beauty, virginity, and
her ability to work contribute to a woman’s value. The economic value placed on
women does not mean that women in such societies necessarily have much freedom,
but it does sometimes give them some leverage in their new domestic situations.
In rare cases, there might be simultaneous exchanges of dowry and bridewealth.
In such cases, often the bridewealth gift was more of a token than a
substantial economic contribution.
Common
Cultural Themes: Marriage in Traditional and Industrialized Societies
Characteristic Traditional Industrial
Characteristic Traditional Industrial
What is the
structure of marriage
|
Extended (marriage embeds spouses in a
large kinship network of explicit obligations)
|
Nuclear (marriage brings fewer
obligations of marriage)
|
Who holds
authority
|
Patriarchal
|
Although some patriarchal features
remain, authority is divided more equally
|
How many
spouses at a time
|
Most have one spouse (monogamy), while
have several (polygamy)
|
monogamy
|
Who selects
the spouse
|
Parents, usually the father, select
the spouse (patrilocal residence), less commonly with residence) the bride’s
family (matrilocal residence)
|
Individuals choose their own spouse
|
Where does the
couple live
|
Couples usually reside with the
groom’s family
|
Couples establish a new home (neolocal
)
|
How is descent
figured
|
Usually figured from male ancestors
(patrilineal kinship) and less
commonly from female ancestors (matrilineal kinship)
|
Figured from
male and female ancestors equally ( bilineal kinship)
|
How is inheritance
figured
|
Rigid system of rules; usually
patrilineal but can be matrilineal
|
Highly individualistic; usually
bilineal
|
INCEST TABOO
The prohibition of sexual relations between immediate
relatives, usually between parents and children, and between siblings. The
prohibition usually extends to persons adopted into or marrying into any of
these primary relationships, and is thus attributed to a need to limit sexual
activity to a single generation within the nuclear family group (to avoid
conflict), as well as to the fear of inbreeding.
Claude Lévi-Strauss (1969)
claimed that with the incest taboo, humans marked themselves off as being part
of human “culture” as opposed to animal “nature.” And in terms of kinship
systems the taboo is important because if it did not exist (and if people
regularly practiced incest), we wouldn’t need kinship systems to regulate human
reproduction.
The two most popular theories of
incest were those originally proposed by Edward Westermarck (1891) and
Sigmund Freud (1918). Westermarck proposed that persons raised together, or
persons living closely together from early childhood, develop a natural
aversion to having sexual relations with one another. He had brother-sister
relations in mind, but the same line of thinking applied to parent-child relations
as well, accounting for the aversion to sexual relations between child rearers and
children. Since it is usually the case that parents raise children, and
siblings live together in childhood, incest avoidance results between primary
kin. In Westermarck’s view, this natural incest aversion is a human instinct
that evolved or was naturally selected to prevent the harmful effects of close
inbreeding. Only later did a taboo develop to discourage any aberrant
tendencies.
According to Freud (who focused more
on parent-child incest), humans unconsciously do wish to commit incest, but
this desire is repressed. His idea was that repression is triggered by guilt.
Ridiculous as it might seem today, what Freud proposed was that at some time in
the remote past there existed a human “primal horde” headed by a father who
kept, all to himself, a group of women with whom he mated. His sons, wanting
access to the females, killed him. But then, since they had been raised to
respect and obey their father, they felt guilty and so “tabooed” their own
access to the women (their mothers and sisters). Humans since then have somehow
inherited all this trauma and continue to “live it out.” Of course, later
Freudians found it necessary to dispense with this idea of the “primal horde”
as a pre-historical event, but they retained the notions of unconscious desire,
guilt, and repression to account for an incest taboo.
These two
theories of Westermarck and Freud are at odds. One maintains that humans
normally do not want to commit incest, so we need a taboo for the few misfits
who do. The other holds that humans really do want to commit incest, but that
this impulse immediately triggers guilt and repression, leading to a taboo that
expresses and confirms that very human psycho-familial process. Both theories
have been criticized, but of the two, Westermarck’s has held up a little
better. The idea of an aversion to sex between children raised together received
support from studies of the Israeli kibbutzim (communal villages), where male
and female infants are detached from their parents and raised together through
adolescence. According to these studies, children raised together showed no
sexual interest in one another upon reaching adulthood and, though free to do
so, did not marry one another. Additional support for Westermarck has come from
studies of a Chinese custom called “minor marriages,” whereby parents adopt a
female child to raise as the future bride of their son. The girl and boy are
raised together and, later, are forced to marry. These marriages were found to
be considerably less fertile, less happy, and far more prone to divorce than
regular, or “major,” Chinese marriages.
Families,
Households and Domestic Groups
A family can be defined as the smallest group
of individuals who see themselves as connected to one another. They are usually
part of larger kinship groups, but with whom they may not interact on a daily
basis. Families tend to reside together and share economic opportunities and
other rights and responsibilities. Family rights and responsibilities are a
significant part of understanding families and how they work. In the United
States, for example, minor children have a right to be supported materially by
their parents or other legal guardians. Parents have a responsibility to
support and nurture their children. Spouses have a right to mutual support from
each other and property acquired during a marriage is considered “common
property” in many U.S. states unless specified otherwise by a pre-nuptial
agreement. Some family responsibilities are cultural and not legal. Many such
responsibilities are reinforced by religious or other ideological notions.
Family members who reside together are called
households. A household may include larger kinship groups who think of
themselves as separate but related families. Households may also include
non-family or kin members, or could even consist exclusively of non-related
people who think of themselves as family. Many studies of families
cross-culturally have focused on household groups because it is households that
are the location for many of the day-to-day activities of a society. Households
are important social units in any community Sometimes families or households
are spread across several residential units but think of themselves as a single
group for many purposes. In Croatia, because of urban housing constraints, some
extended family households operate across one or more residential spaces. An
older couple and their married children might live in apartments near each
other and cooperate on childcare and cooking as a single household unit.
Domestic group is another term that can be used to describe a household.
Domestic groups can describe
any group of people who reside together and share activities pertaining to
domestic life including but not limited to childcare, elder care, cooking and
economic support, even if they might not describe themselves as “family.”
Households may include nuclear families, extended families, joint extended
families, or even combinations of families that share a residence and other
property as well as rights and responsibilities. In certain regions of Croatia
large agricultural households were incredibly numerous. I carried out research
in a region known as Slavonia, which from the seventeenth through the
nineteenth centuries was was near the border of the Austro-Hungarian and
Ottoman Empires. Families in portions of this region were referred to as
zadruzi (plural) or a zadruga (singular). They sometimes numbered up to 100
members, all related through blood and marriage. But these households were much
more than a nuclear or even a joint extended family. They were more like small
towns with specialists within the household group who did things such as shoe
horses or sew. These very large households supported a military culture where
men between sixteen and sixty years old had to be ready for military service. Croatian anthropologists in the 1800s reported that one family was so large that
an elderly woman died and this was not noticed for three days! The local
government in this case forced the family to divide, separating their property
and residing in smaller numbers.
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